چکیده:
چکیده تأسیس یک نیروی نظامی ملی از اولین برنامههای نمایندگان ملت در مجلس اول مشروطیت بود. عمر کوتاه مجلس و کودتای محمدعلیشاه، از موانع اصلی در تحقق این آرمان گشت. با تلاشهای نمایندگان و آزادیخواهان در مجلس دوم، نیروی ژاندارمری دولتی تأسیس شد. نیرویی که از زمان شکلگیری تا ادغام در ارتش متحد الشکل، نقشی پویا و فعّال در تحولات کشور ایفا نمود. این جستار میکوشد با واکاوی بسترها، تأثیرگذاری آنها را در رویکرد و نقش نیروی ژاندارمری در دو رویداد جنگ جهانی اول و کودتای سوم اسفند 1299 را مورد پژوهش قرار دهد. نوشتار با روش تاریخی و رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی به واکاوی موضوع پرداخته و یافتههای پژوهش نشان میدهد، پیوند گروهی از افسران ژاندارمری با دموکراتها و استقلال عمل افسران ایرانی موجب اتحاد ژاندارمری با ملّیون در تقابل با قوای روسیۀ تزاری و انگلستان گشت؛ اما آسیبهای جنگ و بحرانهای عمیق مالی و سیاسی که کشور را به ورطۀ تجزیه و تحت الحمایگی کشانده بود، آرمانها و اهداف افسران ژاندارمری را به محاق برد و نیروی ژاندارمری در واکنش به این وضعیت با انفعال و همکاری بخشی از بدنۀ این نیرو با کودتای سوم اسفند 1299 همراه گشت.
AbstractThe establishment of a national military force was one of the first plans of the nation's representatives in the first constitutional parliment. The short life of the parliament and Mohammad Ali Shah's coup became one of the main obstacles in realizing this goal. With the efforts of representatives and libertarians in the second parliament, the governmental gendarmerie force was established. A force that played a dynamic and active role in the country's developments from the time of its formation until its integration into the unified army. This essay tries to research the influence of the gendarmerie forces in the two events of the First World War and the coup on third of Esfsnd 1299 (february 22nd 1920) by analyzing the bases. The essay examines the issue through a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and the findings of the research show that the connection of a group of gendarmerie officers with the democrats and the independence of Iranian officers led to the union of the gendarmerie with the nationalists in opposition to the forces of Tsarist Russia and England; But the damage of the war and the deep financial and political crises that had led the country to the abyss of disintegration and subjugation, took the ideals and goals of the gendarmerie officers and the gendarmerie force reacted to this situation with passivity and the cooperation of a part of this force with the coup on third of Esfsnd 1299 (february 22nd 1920)accompanied. Introduction The motivation and idea of modernization of army in the Qajar era started from the wars between Russia and Iran. The process of military reforms started with the arrival of various delegations from European countries from the era of Abbas Mirza and continued until the end of the Qajar rule. However, until the end of the century, all efforts failed. The modernization of the military forces in the era of Naser al-Din Shah was still at the top of the reforms of the Qajar rule. A new era in the history of Iran's military modernization began with the establishment of the Cossack Brigade at this time in imitation of the Russian Cossack force to establish internal security and protect the throne. In June 1908/Tir 1287, Liakhov, the commander of the Kazakh forces, by the order of Mohammad Ali Shah, bombareded the nascent constitutional assembly and dismantled the freedom movement. With the attack of the Cossacks on the first parliament and the establishment of the tyranny of Mohammad Ali Shahi, the inability of the constitutionalists to create a national army and its influence on the country's developments became more apparent. The defeat and exile of Mohammad Ali Shah paved the way for the establishment of a national military force. The establishment of a powerful central government required the existence of an efficient military force that would expand the scope of the government's influence and authority throughout the country and establish security as a preliminary and necessary start for reforms. At the same time, among the constitutionalists, the prospect of creating a new and modern military force also raises concerns. This military force could make the shah's power in Iran's politics heavier and become a tool to suppress the liberals. The representatives wanted a powerful military force, but under the supervision of the government and parliament. Methodology War and coup are phenomena in which the military forces are the main actors. However, war is as long as human life, but coup is a new phenomenon whose history goes back to the Napoleonic era. A military coup is an illegal act that takes place by setting the wheel of regular military forces in motion and sometimes with violence or threats, and its purpose is to overthrow the current government and establish a new government. Since the military forces are the main and important actors in the two phenomena of war and coup, regardless of individual and personal positions among the officers and staff of the gendarmerie force, this paper tries to analyze the main bases and fields affecting the approach and collective action of a part of the gendarmerie forces. This article tries to answer the question that what the influential fields in the approach and agency of the gendarmerie in relation to the two mentioned events are? The hypothesis of the article is that the connection of a group of gendarmes with the democrats and the independence of the gendarmerie officers caused the gendarmerie to side with the nationalists in the First World War. But the damage of the war and the deep political and financial crises in the country caused the disillusionment of the gendarmerie force and accompanied the coup. This issue has been investigated by relying on primary sources and some studies. The research method in this article is historical with a descriptive-analytical approach. Discussion The constitutionalists sought to create a force that could defend Iran's independence and borders, establish internal security to expand trade and collect taxes, and maintain the constitutional system. The establishment of the state gendarmerie by the second parliament (1290-1288) was an indication of the efforts made to achieve these goals. In July 1290 / July 1911, the parliament approved the plan to form a state gendarmerie force whose main task was to maintain the security of the country's roads, composed of Swedish officers headed by Colonel Yalmarsen (Blue Book, 1369: 5/1094; Qaim-maqami, 1355: 124). During the first years of its formation, the state gendarmerie had the financial and political support of England. The adoption of such a policy by the British was to create security and develop trade in the south of the country, they even threatened that if the Iranian government did not take necessary action, Britain would prepare a force for this purpose. On the other hand, they tried to use the gendarmerie force as a counterweight against the Kazakh brigade, which was under the influence of the Russians (ibid: 129). The establishment of the gendarmerie force and the development of its activities had opponents. State leaders and local influentials, especially in the southern regions of the country, where the gendarmerie was the main area of activity, did not support this new force. The presence of gendarmes meant reducing their influence and power. Providing security by gendarmerie posts led to cut off revenues such as road tolls or extortion and looting of commercial convoys. These were part of the reasons that caused the gendarmerie to clash with Khamsa, Qashqai and Bakhtiari. Some of the local officials appointed by the central government, including Qawam al-Mulk, the head of the Khamsa tribe and the governor of Fars, also objected to the independence of the gendarmerie in their mission area (Sinai, 2014: 221). The Russians did not oppose the Gendarmerie in the beginning. Tanley - British minister plenipotentiary - believes that if the Russians thought that the Swedish officers would be successful in their work, they would have opposed their appointment in the first place (Divanbeigi, 1351: 13). However, in February 1914, Korostovets, the Russian minister of power, announced that the Swedish officers were not trusted by the Russians and that the Russian government did not want to expand the scope of the gendarmerie's duties in northern Iran. Only in Qazvin, which was in the sphere of influence of the Russians, was the gendarmerie active, because of the support provided by England. Their support was not implemented in other areas under Russian influence, such as Tabriz, Rasht and Mashhad, where the Russians had the upper hand politically and commercially, and it was only after the October Revolution of 1917, that the Gendarmerie was opened to the mentioned areas (Ibid; Deputy, 1355: 129 and 171).With the existence of the Kazakh brigade, the question arises, what was the purpose of forming the gendarmerie force? In response to this question, it should be pointed out the lack of efficiency and history of Kazakkhane. The constitutionalists had not yet forgotten the role of the Cossack brigade in shutting down the parliament. People also hated the Kazakh Khanate, which was the executor of Tsarist Russia's orders in Iran. A country that separated large parts of Iran and its shadow still weighed heavily on the northern regions of the country and the Qajar court. Some representatives of the first parliament raised the issue of the formation of the national army, but the problems of the first parliament and the fight with the autocrats over the life of the new system did not give them the opportunity to discuss the national army (Blue Book, 1369: 4/899-900; Orange Book , 1366: 3/686-687). The constitutionalists knew very well that there was no significant change in the structure of the Kazakh Khanate and it was the support of the Russian and British states that protected the Kazakh Khanate from fundamental changes after the conquest of Tehran (Zinoviev, 1362: 155; Orange book, 1366: 2/221). Therefore, according to the political events, the representatives considered the existence of a new military force under the supervision of advisors from a neutral country to be necessary and necessary to realize the goals of the constitution. Conclusion The role and agency of the Gendarmerie force in the two events of the World War and the third coup of March 1299, was actually a feedback of the political and social atmosphere of the country in that period of time. The gendarmes, who were part of the community and affected by the country's developments, showed different roles and actions in these two events. The Gendarmerie had a strong bond with the democrats in the second and third parliaments since its establishment. The Gendarmerie's relations with the democrats and representatives of the nation, the use of educated young people in the officer cadre of this force, and the presence of Swedish officers who had no colonial interests in Iran, caused a part of the Gendarmerie to move in line with Millions in the world war in the direction of the country's independence, and despite the restrictions The financial resources, equipment and bodies of the national forces, enter the fight with the two colonial powers of Russia and England in the north and south of the country. But the war caused the Gendarmerie to lose a group of its nationalist officers. The procrastination of the parliament, the constant collapse of the cabinets and the inability of the statesmen to solve the country's crises, as well as the influence of the British through the Iron Committee in the Gendarmerie and the recruitment of some officers of this force, caused the Gendarmerie force to remain passive in the overthrow of the government and the coup, and with its lack of reaction, it was with the coup plotters.