چکیده:
The 2011 Egyptian uprising has paved the way for the formation or growth of discourses in Egypt, each of which, by highlighting itself and marginalizing its rival, has sought to establish hegemony over its own discursive system. Through this, they aim to give meaning to the floating signifiers of their rivals' discursive fields within their own discursive framework and create a new identity. One such discourse that was able to secure the first official elections in new Egypt in its name through its hegemony (albeit temporarily) was the 'Democratic Islamist Discourse.' Given the trend of the emergence and fall of this discourse, the question arises: what is the discursive logic and the identity-giving signifiers, principles, and components of the Democratic Islamist discourse in Egypt, and which political parties and groups represent this discourse? It can be said that discursive conflict, the inability of any single discourse to establish and consolidate itself, and the lack of widespread popularity for any of the discourses—including authoritarian Islamist, secular democratic, and secular authoritarian discourses—will keep the Egyptian scene in turmoil for a long time. The methodology-theory of the present article is Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis. The findings of the article show that: the groups defined under the Democratic Islamist discourse, including the Muslim Brotherhood, by providing a new reading of political Islam, managed to seat themselves in power in Egypt at a stage after Mubarak; however, their inability to provide identity to the floating signifiers within their discursive field and the lack of widespread popularity for this discourse sealed the fate of their performance.
خلاصه ماشینی:
The findings of the article show that: the groups defined under the democratic Islamist discourse, including the Muslim Brotherhood, managed to reach the presidency in Egypt at a stage after Mubarak by providing a new reading of political Islam; however, their inability to provide identity to many floating signifiers in the field of their competing discourses and the lack of widespread appeal of this discourse sealed the fate of their performance with failure.
As the most important Islamist group in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood, by joining the wave of the Egyptian people's uprising—which demanded a bond between Islam and democracy—seized power in Egypt for a short period after the fall of Mubarak and established the Freedom and Justice Party as the driving force of its new government.
Thus, it can be said that the January 25 Revolution in Egypt, in its process of discursive reconfiguration, alongside the components that revolved around the central signifier of Islamist discourse and were able to acquire new meaning and identity, re-read an essential component such as support for the Palestinian cause and its liberation, and by being placed in this articulation, adopted an Islamist semantic meaning 15 that believes that to realize such an ideal, "it is necessary for the Arab nation and the Islamic society to join together and, by rejecting any relationship or alignment with the Zionist regime, provide the ground for the aforementioned victory.
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