چکیده:
This article is a review and critical look at the book Networks of Rage and Hope, authored by Manuel Castells (a Spanish sociologist, one of the theorists of communication science, and author of the important trilogy of the Information Age). Technological developments in the global arena over the last two decades have caused social movements to acquire a distinct characteristic influenced by these transformations: 'networkization'. What are the characteristics of this feature? Has networkization and the use of the internet only made the forms and communicative tools of social movements new and different, or has it also influenced the approaches and nature of the movements themselves? In his book, Castells answers these questions and, by enumerating the characteristics of networked social movements, bases his theoretical foundations for analyzing these movements on the theory of communicative power, his previous work. This article also examines the extent of Castells' realism and comprehensiveness in his evaluation of the networked social movements of the last decade, as well as his arguments regarding the impact of mass media and the networkization of the communicative space, and also the weaknesses of the book in explaining the relationships between the networkization of the communicative space with social participation and political action.
خلاصه ماشینی:
Keywords Social movements, internet, mass media, virtual network, communicative autonomy, political action, occupied spaces Introduction Characteristics of Networked Movements Castells (Castells, Manuel, 1942) in his new book examines the social movements of the last decade with a kind of fanatical fascination.
Theoretically, Castells' argument "is based on the assumption that on the internet, individuals possess a level of communicative autonomy and that individual participation is a prerequisite upon which all other political actions are based; however, in understanding the complex relationship between internet technology and new forms of political participation, the central point is that not only does 'communicative autonomy' not necessarily translate into political and social autonomy, but it can be recognized that the self-centered nature of social media often challenges the collective creativity of movements and political organizations; furthermore, we must consider the fact that while it is true that the developments of virtual networks have accelerated the possibility of sharing information and have the power to mobilize for rapid action in effective ways (however), the speed of information exchange reduces political debate and creates activist insurgent networks that rely on weak networks and internal ties, rather than on shared political projects (Barassi, 2009).
Social Movements in the Internet Age Castells' claims are powerful, his prose is seductive, and the examples he uses are engaging; nevertheless, the reader is faced with the question of whether the discussed examples truly support his assumptions regarding the role of the internet in mobilizing political action and creating new forms of political participation.
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