چکیده:
It has been stated that the origin of the Ezafe in modern Persian is the relative pronoun 'hya' in Old Persian; therefore, the Ezafe is a phenomenon specific to the recent historical period of the Persian language, namely Dari Persian. In this research, we will look at the genitive structure in some Persian dialects of Razavi Khorasan and South provinces. In this search, we aim to know what mechanism or mechanisms are used to create the genitive structure in these dialects and whether the Ezafe is present in all these dialects or not. Preliminary investigations showed that three cases are observed regarding the presence or absence of the Ezafe in the investigated dialects: 1- Absence of the Ezafe (for example, Nehbandani and Darhi dialects), 2- Both presence and absence of the Ezafe (for example, Birjandi, Torbat-e Heydarieh, Nishapuri, Ferdowsi, and Kakhaki dialects), and 3- Presence of the Ezafe (for example, Bajestani and Gonabadi dialects). Given this typological hypothesis that non-uniformity often indicates a process of change, our second question in this research is that, considering the conditions of the Ezafe in these dialects and comparing it with standard Persian, other varieties of Persian, and some other Iranian languages, what is the flow of change, and what new insights does understanding this flow provide us regarding the potential direction of change in the Persian language? Given that the process of change occurs more slowly in dialects than in the standard variety, it can be assumed that the dialects are in an intermediate stage of change, and for this reason, a variety of states regarding the emergence of the Ezafe is seen in most of them. On the other hand, it seems that there is a tendency to omit the Ezafe in modern Persian speech. Therefore, a kind of regressive trend can be predicted in the emergence of the Ezafe, although it is not certain whether this change will ever be completed.
خلاصه ماشینی:
Investigating the Ezafe Fraction in the Ezafe Construction of the Persian Language and Some Dialects of Razavi Khorasan and South Khorasan: Variations and Implications Shahla Sharifi Associate Professor of Linguistics, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad sh-sharifi@um.
howli-ye kolun (the large courtyard), vaqt-e xorusxon (at dawn), Ɂâbǰi-ye mâ (our sister) (Najatian, 1390: 76) Naturally, when the first word ends in a vowel, an intervening consonant appears, such as; hame-ye gusâlehâ Based on the examples provided in Kalbasi's book and Najatian's thesis, it can be concluded that the omission of the Ezafe vowel is observed only in limited cases in some Ezafe phrases where the first word is a preposition.
Nishaburi Dialect: In the Nishaburi dialect, the Ezafe marker is /i/ or /Ø/; such as du Geren-i tö (your two qirans); sar sevoy (the top of the jug) In cases where the first word ends in a vowel, only the semi-vowel /y/ appears; such as: hama-y mâstâ (all our yogurts) or mo borro-y (for me) (Kalbasi, 1389: 840).
Kashmiri Dialect: The Ezafe marker in this dialect is /e/ or /Ø/; such as: zan dowwom (the second woman), ārt-e safid (white flour) If the first word ends in a vowel, the semi-vowel /y/ appears after it, and this rule applies to both attributive Ezafe and adnominal Ezafe constructions; such as: ǰu-y ou (the water stream), bazanqare-y kalu (large hedgehog), hame-y gosfandâš (all his sheep), mu-y safid (white hair) (Es-haqi, 134:1379).
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