چکیده:
Unlike the standard relative clause, the free relative clause is without an explicit nominal head. In fact, the relative clause lacks a head; it has neither an internal head nor an external head. A clause is a tensed and incomplete sentence that includes either a gap or a resumptive pronoun, but not both. The main hypothesis of this research is to assume the free relative clause as a pure adjunct group rather than a determiner group. The quantifier group does not play the role of the head for it. In other words, the quantifier group is part of the relative clause, and the relative clause is part of the main clause. This is because a standard relative clause moves to the position after the verb without its nominal head, while the nominal head remains alone on the right side of the verb. Therefore, if we assume the quantifier group to be the nominal head of the relative clause, during the movement of the free relative clause, the quantifier group should remain on the right and the rest of it should move to the position after the verb, which would make the sentence ungrammatical. On the other hand, the free relative clause, like other Persian relative and adjunct clauses, has the distribution of a determiner group rather than an adjunct group. For example, the free relative clause is syntactically equivalent to a determiner group. This research aims to focus on the primarily syntactic features of the free relative clause based on the arguments presented regarding it, and to show how an analysis of it as a pure adjunct group can be obtained despite its similarities to standard adjunct or appositive clauses. It seems that the behavioral difference between the free relative clause and the descriptive relative clause results from the location of the adjunct projector in the subject position. The semantic dominance feature of the quantifier 'har' (every/each) over the entire clause is attributed to the position of the adjunct projector in the sentence. In a descriptive relative clause, the head in the determiner group specifier position is large. Therefore, it does not have structural dominance over the relative specifier 'i' and the adjunct head 'ke'. Consequently, the presence of these two heads is obligatory. Whereas in a free relative clause, the quantified head has structural dominance over the specifier 'i' and the adjunct head, making their presence optional.
خلاصه ماشینی:
[1] It should be added that in the quantifier phrase part of Persian free relative clauses, there is only the quantifier "har" and its sister, which is a nominal head, and not an interrogative word.
A nominalized free relative clause 1 is a determiner phrase, such that the interrogative word moves to the complementizer head, and the nominal head is phonologically null or entirely absent.
[7b] The interrogative sentence (13) cannot be the object of the preposition with, whereas the noun phrase (14) and also the free relative clause (15) can be the object of the preposition with: (13) * I am going to swat this fly with whether you have finished your book.
Therefore, the general approach that Van Riemsdijk follows is the Shared Structure Hypothesis, meaning that the interrogative word is a shared construct that is created within the free relative clause and moves to the specifier of the COMP phrase, where it satisfies the syntactic-semantic requirements of the main clause (sub-categorical information) and the relative clause (case, category selection).
In the following example, the entire free relative structure functions as the subject of the sentence, but the quantifier group alone holds the role of the explicit object of the clause.
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, 
, 
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