چکیده:
Person and number suffixes in the Delfan Laki dialect have a wide distribution and can be added to nominal subject and object groups, prepositions, and verbs. The same syntactic behavior of the subject in intransitive and transitive clauses and its contrast with the syntactic behavior of the object in a transitive clause shows that the aforementioned suffixes cannot be considered an ergative construction marker in this dialect. Furthermore, evidence such as the presence of these suffixes on prepositions, in addition to verbs, the priority of hosting the verb stack and not necessarily the first constituent of the verb phrase, and the existence of agreement with the explicit object negate the consideration of the aforementioned suffixes as a marker of subject agreement. Also, distributional evidence, such as the same distribution of these suffixes with nominal groups or non-clitic pronouns, and historical evidence, shows that these suffixes have not turned into agreement markers and are actually still pronouns.
خلاصه ماشینی:
55) Abstract Person and number suffixes in the Delfan Laki dialect have a wide distribution and can be added to nominal subject and object groups, prepositions, and verbs.
The same syntactic behavior of the subject in intransitive and transitive clauses and its contrast with the syntactic behavior of the object in a transitive clause indicates that the aforementioned suffixes cannot be considered a marker of ergative construction in this dialect.
Keywords: Laki dialect, person and number suffix, ergative construction, subject agreement, clitic pronoun.
2. Ergative Agreement and Nominative Agreement Dixon (1972) considers the ergative construction to be a pattern in which the subject of an intransitive clause and the object of a transitive clause have similar behavior in grammatical processes, while the subject of a transitive clause behaves differently in contrast to these two.
In all Iranian languages, there are two groups of dependent role morphemes that still preserve the nominative-accusative case marking: agreement markers (showing verb agreement with the nominative nominal group) and personal *waže besti*s, which invariably appear in non-subject roles.
In this pattern, both the subject of an intransitive clause and the object of a transitive clause are in the nominative case and agree with the verb, while the subject is doubled by a non-accusative *waže besti*.
kæt - em stem(past) 1Sg Therefore, the person and number suffixes in the Laki dialect are neither subject agreement markers nor ergative case markers, but rather pronouns, as they occur in positions that are actually noun phrase positions.
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