Abstract:
The success of the developmental state model in East Asian countries, particularly in Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, etc., has once again confirmed the role of the state in the development process and revealed the weakness of neo-classical models in terms of emphasizing the market as a balancing factor. However, in this regard, the role of the state is not solely presented as the manager of development, but rather its link with the private sector and 'society-based independence' is considered one of its prominent features. Accordingly, the basic assumption of the present article is the rentier nature of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. But the fundamental question is how the rentierism of the Islamic Republic has prevented the formation of a developmental state? In response to this question, post-revolutionary states were examined, and the degree of dependence on oil as an indicator of rentierism for each of them was confirmed according to statistical data. In explaining this matter, it was shown that the rentier state creates its own special relationships with society. Financial independence from oil revenue intensifies the separation between the state institution and society and weakens the mutual relationship between the state institution and social institutions. Oil rent allows states to reduce the impact of social classes and strata on state policies and advance their own intended programs. Based on this, in countries with a rentier economy, the state sector always plays a central role in implementing programs and macro-policymaking, including economic development. The original keyword in this article is 'non-representation in the face of non-revenue collection,' based on which the rentier state of the Islamic Republic has felt supra-class and has thus rendered the formation of a developmental state impossible.
Machine summary:
Although it seems that the efficiency of the government in collecting taxes is higher has increased, and over the past years, efforts have been made, both theoretically and in practice, to reduce government income from underground resources by increasing tax revenues; however, it is an undeniable reality that the Islamic Republic, due to its intense dependence on foreign exchange incomes arising from the sale of underground resources, possesses most of the characteristics and features of a rentier state.
The only difference was that the Pahlavi rentier state was linked to a large dependent bourgeoisie and sought to prosper financial and industrial capitalism, whereas the Islamic Republic government considers its survival contingent upon rent-seeking cooperation with the commercial bourgeoisie, although it seems that the government's efficiency in tax collection has increased and over the past years efforts have been made, both theoretically and in practice, to reduce government income from underground resources by increasing tax revenues; however, it is an undeniable reality that the Islamic Republic can only continue its existence through the sale of God-given resources..
Based on this, in countries with a rentier economy, the public sector always plays a central role in implementing programs and macro-policymaking, and becomes the state's primary tool for creating employment, distributing subsidies, and granting economic privileges to its supporters, because oil rent provides the necessary budget for this mechanism to function.
(
, 
, 
)
